Theatre of death
21st March 2022 · 0 Comments
By Christopher Tidmore
Contributing Writer
Apathy should be defined in political terms as “public indifference to a gross tragedy until a political leader draws enough attention to the crime that outrage becomes fashionable.”
Few cared about Russian dismemberment of Ukraine, for example, when Crimea was invaded in 2014, or Donetsk & Luhansk later that year. International outage at the most recent (and admittedly worse) invasion came only when world leaders finally turned their eyes to the plight of Kyiv, after admitting that their earlier calls for “dialogue” with Vladimir Putin constituted nothing more than a “fools errand.” Only their embarrassment motivated them to action, and only then did the public follow.
At the juncture where political fear could be used to policy advantage (in this case rearming amidst the danger of an aggressive Russia) did leaders scream in ideological unison at last. Likewise, the flight of Ukrainian refugees received a ubiquitous empathy and support from global elites, and justifiably so, yet African-born evacuees who likewise fled to Poland from violence are often ignored (or even mistreated) by the same Eastern Europeans who have been so quick to respond to their leaders’ pleas on behalf of white Ukrainian refugees.
Closer to home, brutality as what befell Ronald Greene at the hands of the state police ranks as hardly new, but before Gov. John Bel Edwards’ now infamous text message turned attention on the tragedy, did any member of the legislature – or most members of the public – even express the smallest degree of outrage?
Such indignation proved politically inconvenient – until it could serve as a partisan bludgeon upon which to beat one’s political foe. Of course, the family of Ronald Greene has proven a key arrow in the GOP legislature’s quiver as well, along with members of the Black Caucus.
According to text messages obtained through an AP public records request, the Governor first found out about Greene’s death hours after it happened back in 2019. In the text, Edwards was told Greene crashed his car during a police chase and that as troopers tried to take Greene into custody, a struggle ensued, one wherein he died shortly thereafter.
Judge Carolos Moore, the president of the National Bar Association said that text message alone showed John Bel Edwards knew exactly what happened to Greene. “He was complicit in the cover-up,” Moore said. “His attorney knew and coordinated the cover-up as well as other individuals at Louisiana State Police and they need to be held accountable.”
According to the family, they were contacted by Louisiana State Police shortly after Greene died. Greene’s sister, Alana Hardin told wafb.com they were told he died in the crash. “They told me Ronald Greene died from a car accident…He hit a tree and he went through the windshield and he died upon impact.”
LSP leaders have repeatedly contended that was never told to family members. Nevertheless, when Edwards was asked about the death of Greene back in September on WRKF radio’s “Ask the Governor,” he observed, “Obviously he didn’t die in the accident itself because he was still alive when the troopers were engaging with him…But what was the cause of death? I don’t know that was falsely portrayed.”
Several weeks after the governor’s appearance on the radio show, the FBI concluded that after Greene crashed in May 2019, troopers from Monroe-based Troop F shocked him with a stun gun, shackled him, dragged him and brutally beat him as Greene cried out “I’m sorry! I’m your brother!” and “I’m scared!” York later received a 50-hour suspension for dragging Greene by his leg shackles. Trooper Chris Hollingsworth, who later died in a car accident, was recorded on camera saying he “beat the ever-living f***” out of Greene.
Mona Hardin, Greene’s mother, charged that the troopers’ brutality directly resulted from the surety that a protective cover up would ensure. “They knew big brother over them would take care…all they’d have to do is write a narrative and the top brass would come up behind and clean up their mess.”
“It’s too late governor. Gov. Edwards it’s too late. The blood of Ronald Greene is stained on your hands as well,” added Dinelle Hardin, sister of Greene. “He’s not speaking out because he cares about our family, he’s only speaking out to save his face, his legacy. That’s the only reason why, because he’s been exposed.”
The family’s subsequent calls for Edwards’ resignation have proven exactly the racially-charged political scandal which the Republican Legislative leadership has sought to undermine the otherwise popular Democratic governor.
Last week, a State House special committee – created by GOP Speaker Clay Schexnayder to investigate just how much Edwards and State Police brass knew of Greene’s death – appeared dissatisfied with former La. State Police Col. Kevin Reeves’ explanations. Schexnayder admitted that the AP news article disclosing that text to the governor prompted him to form the committee.
Legislators chided Reeves for being “disengaged” with the case, while the committee chair said he felt he was being “misled.” Black lawmakers on the panel tangled with Reeves over whether Greene was murdered and if police officials themselves had racist motivations.
Reeves defended the troopers who brutalized Greene on a Union Parish road in 2019, saying he didn’t think Master Trooper Kory York switched off his body camera to “cover something up.” He objected to the classification of Greene’s death as a “murder,” citing a high blood alcohol and cocaine content. Reeves concluded the crash was at minimum a “contributing factor” in his death. yet still dodged questions about troopers’ actions, saying he was not personally involved in the investigation and didn’t know or recall many of the details.
“There was no effort to my knowledge to cover up or mislead anyone,” Reeves said. “I did not oversee or take any role in the investigation.”
Outlining the amount of political theatre involved in the hearing, Reeves’ attorney, Lewis Unglesby, declared to the AP that Reeves had already sat down with Schexnayder for a “lengthy” interview which was recorded. Most of the details of the case had already been shared with the Speaker, but legislators maintained that they had no knowledge of that earlier testimony.
Lawmakers on the select committee indicated a desire to see Reeves’ personal journal entries from the time of Greene’s death, though it’s unclear if he will provide them. Reeves said his journal is his “personal business.” Later, though, he said he would confer with his attorney about it.
Unglesby himself repeatedly interjected as Reeves fielded questions from the panel, to the chagrin of Speaker Pro Tem Tanner Magee, a Houma Republican who chairs the committee. At one point, Unglesby charged Magee was being “disrespectful and unfair,” and Magee warned him again he was allowed only to counsel his client, not testify. After Unglesby interrupted again, Magee had sergeants-at-arms instruct him to leave the witness table and sit in the chairs dedicated for onlookers.
Prior to becoming State Police superintendent, Reeves commanded Troop F, where most of the officers now under federal scrutiny worked. But Reeves repeatedly told lawmakers he knew little about the details of the Greene case, prompting many of them to wonder aloud why the head of the agency would not have more knowledge of an in-custody death.
“I am surprised the top wasn’t briefed more often,” said Rep. Tony Bacala, a Prairieville Republican who was formerly a sheriff’s chief deputy. “That is a little shocking, quite frankly, that no one said, ‘I have to know what’s going on in my department.’ ”
Rep. Jason Hughes, D-New Orleans, told WAFB he was “baffled” at Reeves’ lack of knowledge about the case, calling him “grossly disengaged.” After Hughes called Greene’s death a “murder,” Reeves retorted that “nothing has been decided on Mr. Greene being murdered.”
“In my opinion, he was murdered,” Hughes replied.
This article originally published in the March 21, 2022 print edition of The Louisiana Weekly newspaper.
